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Consider the excerpt from a
speech given by the former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass to the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society:
"I have had but one idea for the last three years to present to the American people, and the phraseology in which I clothe it is the old abolition phraseology. I am for the 'immediate, unconditional, and universal' enfranchisement of the black man, in every State in the Union. [Loud applause.] Without this, his liberty is a mockery; without this, you might as well almost retain the
old name of slavery for his condition; for in fact, if he is not the slave of the individual master, he is the slave of society, and holds his liberty as a privilege, not as a right. He is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself."
Which question would be most relevant for analyzing this historical speech?
Consider the excerpt from a speech given by the former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass to the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery Society:
"I have had but one idea for the last three years to present to the American people, and the phraseology in which I clothe it is the old abolition phraseology. I am for the 'immediate, unconditional and universal' enfranchisement of the black man, in every State in the Union. [Loud applause.] Without this, his liberty is a mockery; without this, you might as well almost retain the old name of slavery for his condition; for in fact, if he is not the slave of the
individual master, he is the slave of society, and holds his liberty as a privilege, not as a right. He is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself."
Which question would be most relevant for analyzing this historical speech?
Consider the excerpt from a speech given by the former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass to the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society:
"I have had but one idea for the last three years to present to the
American people, and the phraseology in which I clothe it is the old abolition phraseology. I am for the 'immediate, unconditional and universal' enfranchisement of the black man, in every State in the Union. [Loud applause.] Without this, his liberty is a mockery; without this, you might as well almost retain the old name of slavery for his condition; for in fact, if he is not the slave of the individual master, he is the slave of society, and holds his liberty as a privilege, not as a right.
He is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself."
Which question would be most relevant for analyzing this historical speech?
Consider the excerpt from a speech given by the former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass:
"I have had but one idea for the last three years to present to the American people, and the phraseology in which I clothe it is the old abolition phraseology. I am for the 'immediate, unconditional, and
universal' enfranchisement of the black man, in every State in the Union. [Loud applause.] Without this, his liberty is a mockery; without this, you might as well almost retain the old name of slavery for his condition; for in fact, if he is not the slave of the individual master, he is the slave of society, and holds his liberty as a privilege, not as a right. He is at the mercy of the mob, and has no means of protecting himself."
Which question would be most relevant for analyzing this
historical speech?
"....It seems to me that God, with infinite wisdom and skill, is training the Anglo-Saxon race for an hour sure to come in the world's future. Heretofore there has always been in the history of the world a comparatively unoccupied land westward, into which the crowded countries of the East have poured their surplus populations. But the widening waves of migration, which millenniums ago rolled east and west from the valley of the Euphrates,
meet to-day on our Pacific coast. There are no more new worlds... The time is coming when the pressure of population on the means of subsistence will be felt here as it is now felt in Europe and Asia. Then will the world enter upon a new stage of its history—the final competition of races, for which the Anglo-Saxon is being schooled. Long before the thousand millions are here, the might centrifugal tendency, inherent in this stock and strengthened in the United States, will assert itself. Then
this race of unequaled energy, with all the majesty of numbers and the might of wealth behind it—the representative, let us hope, of the largest liberty, the purest Christianity, the highest civilization—having developed peculiarly aggressive traits calculated to impress its institutions upon mankind, will spread itself over the earth."
In writing his book titled Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis in 1885, and particularly the passage above, Reverend Josiah Strong made
what argument about America's foreign policy goals?
Read the excerpt from an address to Congress made by President George W. Bush on September 20, 2001:"Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. . . We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime. "What does this excerpt say that the U.S. will do?
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